The Other View

Nationalist Euphoria

Tommy McKearney

In our last issue we looked at the feeling, or perhaps perception, of alienation felt by sections of the unionist or protestant population in Northern Ireland. There was a broad consensus that while the mood undoubtedly exists and gives rise to concern, that the reality is not nearly so bleak from a unionist perspective as some of their more pessimistic pundits claim.

It appears that much of the doubts and anxieties in certain loyalist and unionist communities stem from the apparent triumph of their long time adversaries. Worse, it now seems to them that their old foes are not simply in an advantageous position in Northern Ireland but that they are also confidently expecting to see the removal of the Border (i.e. a the ending of Northern Ireland as a separate entity) within an ever-shortening number of years. And tormented, as Northern Irish unionism is, with its wide range of doom-and-damnation predicting prophets, there is always someone in their midst to assure the worriers that their worst fears are an underestimation of the actual outcome.

Of course, for those unionists determined to find material supporting their fears, there is a wide range of statements, articles and actions emanating from the republican/nationalist community which appears to substantiate their claims.

There was the excited cavalcades of Sinn Fein supporters greeting the first IRA cease-fire, the endless analysis of demographics seeming to indicate a catholic majority within the next few years and the appearance of a confident assertiveness bordering on arrogance even, that seems to permeate the non-unionist community. Underlining the feeling of vulnerability there is for them the unwelcome sight of boisterous members of Sinn Fein speaking Irish in the central chambers of Stormont and Belfast's City Hall.

In spite of all this though, is there any real substance behind nationalist confidence? In other words, do they have any reason for feeling euphoric? Ultimately it depends on what goals and objectives the nationalist population has set itself and at what point they feel that they have achieved their targets.

If nationalists believe that the establishment of a unitary all-island state is their only real goal and short of that they will not be content, then they have little reason for jubilation. If, on the other hand, nationalists/republicans are now content to work within Northern Ireland while simultaneously experiencing for the first time the joys or pains of being treated as British subjects, then they may have some cause for celebration

Looking objectively at the 'current state of the union' gives little pleasure to old style anti-partitionists. There are many factors that looked at objectively appear to undermine their cause. A not exhaustive list would include the following:

The Irish constitution has been changed, removing Articles 2 & 3 which used to claim the six northern counties as part of the national territory. Laying aside such a claim is a massive step in international law and usually only happens after a state has found itself crushed in war. Instead this move has been widely ratified by referendum.

There is enthusiastic participation by both of the main nationalist political parties in the administration of Northern Ireland at every level from local government right up to cabinet office in Stormont.

The policing of Northern Ireland is now publicly endorsed by a substantial section of nationalist opinion as the SDLP, that essentially guarantees partition while unionists have a voting majority, was brokered through and very publicly endorsed by the United States Government. To have the status quo approved by the world¹s only superpower is a mighty word of caution to anyone thinking of opposing the current process.

In light of this it would be strange if anyone were to argue seriously that the union between Britain and Northern Ireland is less secure now than it was, let¹s say twenty years ago. The existence of the union has not changed. What has changed though is the legislative and governing framework in which nationalists live within Northern Ireland and changed too (for the most of them) is the danger and disruption of the years of civil conflict.

To understand the current nationalist outlook, it is necessary to look at what once was their experience of life in Northern Ireland. For the first fifty years of the entity¹s existence, an in-built unionist/protestant majority prevented nationalists having an opportunity to influence the running or management of the area. Moreover, in order to preserve unionist/protestant unity, the Northern Ireland Government and 'Establishment¹ encouraged a system that favoured their supporters in the fields of employment, housing and cultural expression. And every attempt to break out of this mould, as for example at the time of united working class action around the Outdoor Relief Act in the 1930¹s, met with brutal opposition from powerful vested interests on the unionist side.

The conflict of the past thirty years had its origins in the past and whatever ones view of the rights or wrongs of the situation, many nationalists believed that they had been badly treated in the first instance and harshly punished for attempting thereafter to redress the inequalities of Northern Irish society.

Now, however, they believe that most of the unfairness of the old system is either corrected or on the way to being improved. The one party monopoly of the old Stormont is ended with a new power-sharing arrangement, the allocation of public sector housing is carried out in an open and transparent manner, it is much more difficult to discriminate in the work place and the cultural nationalism meets little official opposition.

For those in a position on the nationalist side to benefit from equality of opportunity, there is a clear improvement in life and living standards. The major caveat in all of this is that the catholic middle class disproportionately enjoys the benefits –apart from the ending of widespread civil conflict – of the new order.

For other nationalists the benefits are not so tangible. There is little value in having fair employment legislation rigorously enforced if there is no work to be got. Power sharing is fine if you are a politician content with the status quo but the novelty soon wears off if you are just one of the 'street guys¹.

Proper housing allocation practices are laudable, but in post-Thatcher Britain with it emphasis on private property and pensions through real estate, housing estates are being quietly turned into British versions of Latin American barrios.

Fair allocation of indifferent accommodation is nothing to get euphoric about. And respect for ones cultural rights is usually more of a trophy than an asset where at the end of the day, there is no vast cultural difference between the two communities in Northern Ireland anyway.

There is not really much doubt, but that nationalists, Catholics, republicans are much more prominent in public life today than thirty years ago. Realists on all sides recognise though, that it was never going to be possible to continue for ever with a situation where participation in public broadcasting, administration of third level education, control of the upper echelons of the civil service etc. was reserved largely for one section of society.

For the majority of nationalists though, this break-through is only of passing interest. The thrill is more vicarious than experienced. Life in the built up areas of Belfast and/or rural Ulster can still be drab and short of much finery. Nationalists are, however, being told disingenuously that gains made by middle class co-religionists apply to all and should be celebrated. So far, less well-off nationalists appear to have accepted this rather dubious proposition.
The corollary of course is that working class unionists also appear to believe this story and mistake what is at most an overdue adjustment for a serious reversal. As a result too of the deliberate 'talking up¹ of the situation by nationalist politicians endeavouring to justify their own positions, many unionists mistake hyperbole for concrete reality.

For the most part nationalist euphoria is as much an expression of relief as a whoop of joy - the conflict is over. For a minority of nationalists life has improved, for most it has changed little in economic or social terms. The pity is that the reality of this situation and the possibility of doing something positive about it is lost in mutual misconceptions and the subsequent refusal to consider radical alternatives to the current conditions.

Back to Contents