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Issue No.8 Spring 2002
Chalk and Cheese
By David Rose
The most common and, from this writers perspective, irritating charge laid at
those of us in the Progressive Unionist Party is the oft repeated allegation
that we are some sort of Protestant Sinn Fein. Those who level the charge cite
two factors common to Sinn Fein and ourselves; parties evolved from a
paramilitary past and support for the Good Friday Agreement. Beyond those two
factors though the case becomes distinctly lightweight exposing the ignorance of
the accuser more than it indicts the PUP. Those who make the charge, usually the
Unionist old guard clearly do not understand modern Loyalism or Irish
Nationalism. If the editorial team at 'The Other View' indulges me, I will
attempt to put the record straight. My case will be won or lost on core
political philosophy, so naturally that is what I shall concentrate on.
Sinn Fein as we all know, translates in her majesty's tongue to 'Ourselves
Alone' and as the name suggests is a single identity nationalist / tribal party.
Masquerading as Irish Republicans the Shinners pedal the idea of one legitimate
Gaelic identity born out of centuries long struggle and victimhood. By
implication all other displays of identity on the island are misguided (Loyalist
/ Unionist) or illegitimate expressions of the perpetrator (British / Orange /
Black or Apprentice Boy). Thus they justify the mentality, which underpins the
plethora of Residents Groups created to oppose Loyal Order parades.
Whilst never believing that witnessing a march would cause a Nationalist to turn
Loyal (parade junkie Gerry Kelly proves that), I do think that the whole
campaign illustrates the cultural imperialism which lies at the heart of Sinn
Fein's philosophy. Rejecting the concept of accommodation encapsulated in the
phrase 'Catholic, Protestant and Dissenter' Sinn Fein promotes a Nationalist
programme of expansion, assimilation and cultural cleansing. Nowadays where Sinn
Fein grows strong its pay back time for all aspects of British / Loyalist /
Unionist history and culture. How else can one interpret a phrase like 'the
greening of the west' or the notion that an annual parade cannot pass over
sacred celtic ground? Truth be told these are not new ideas; the 26 secessionist
counties have denied whole aspects of this island's history for generations and
only recently rejected the cultural 'Lebensraum' envisaged in articles two and
three. Sinn Fein has simply refined them for application within Northern
Ireland.
Luckily you don't have to take my word on all of this. In his book 'Free
Ireland' Gerry Adams articulated the point beautifully when he wrote,
"The Loyalists have a desperate identity crisis. They agonise over whether
they are Ulster- Scotch, picts, English or British...They express a massive
rejection of a very rich Irish culture, despite the fact that this heritage
cannot in any way be regarded as exclusive. Instead they waste their time trying
to work out some kind of obscure notion of Ulster Protestant Culture".
Cry Freedom poor prod!
How does core PUP political philosophy compare? Do PUP members' dreams consist
of 'purpling the East'? Is the party looking to Loyalise society? Or is it to be
'Ourselves the Prods'? Much though the Unionist old guard would love it to be
yes, I'm afraid the answer is no. We take the view that modern progressive
unionist ideas should encapsulate the finest aspects of 400 years of Ulster
political thought.
From the seventeenth century take the Williamite concept of 'Civil and Religious
Liberty'. Attach the eighteenth century ideal of equality between 'Catholic,
Protestant and Dissenter' (don't be mistaken this writer utterly rejects the
notion that such standards should be held captive upon this island). Cherry pick
the nineteenth century for a strong belief in multi-culturalism reinforced by
two centuries of collective British existence. And finally throw in the bitter
lessons of the twentieth century.
From this mix emerges a survivors political philosophy based on
anti-sectarianism, pluralism and equality for all citizens. Thus it would be
inconceivable for us to advocate the idea that society should remain ghettoised
in single identity communities. Rather we believe in free expression in an open
and tolerant society. Equally absurd is the notion that one form of identity is
superior to another and thus must prevail. We believe in 'Accommodation not
Assimilation'. And certainly we recognise that achieving these goals will take
generations involving many hard steps, but the vision deserves the effort.
But most important of all is the attitude of the parties to the cease-fires and
peace process. This is where Loyalism has proven itself when compared to Sinn
Fein and its constituency. For nationalists the cease-fire and peace process are
a tactic in the ongoing campaign against the history, culture and identity of
the Loyalist and Unionist peoples (refining instead of ending the war). But
Loyalists see it as an opportunity to finally end conflict on an agreed basis.
From such thinking Loyalists took a very difficult step and expressed
"abject and true remorse" to the loved ones of innocent victims. In
one phrase Loyalist peace builders moved light years ahead of their nationalist
counterparts (I never hear the phrase 'innocent protestant') and recognised that
non-combatants could not be written off as collateral damage.
³Vive La Difference².
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