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Issue No.14 Autumn 2003
Segregation
The lessons of the past
By Eoin O’Broin
At the start of this year Sinn Féin proposed a motion to Belfast
City Council, calling for the restoration of political status in Maghaberry
prison. The motion detailed the then escalating situation for both republican
prisoners and their families. Serious confrontations were already a regular
occurrence between republicans and loyalists. More worrying what the death
threats received by families of republican prisoners’ families, who
were told by the PSNI that their details were in the hands of loyalists.
Anyone who understands the history of struggles for political status in
Irish jails was predicting that the situation in Maghaberry would escalate.
And so it has.
What was interesting about the debate in City Hall was not the fact that
the vote was lost, with Sinn Féin alone supporting the demand for
status. More interestingly was the response of some of our citys more
learned fathers. Alban McGuinness denied that there were any political
prisoners, and criticised Sinn Féin for regurgitating the failed
politics of the past. More interestingly David Ervine concurred with Alban.
There were no political prisoners argued Ervine, and Sinn Féin
was guilty of engaging in a deceptive politics. Not surprisingly, the
other unionist parties engaged in the usual hysterics.
In all of the contributions of those who refused to support the demand
for status, the central argument of the motion was ignored. Sinn Féin
was not calling for support for those organisations who the prisoners
belong or allegedly belong to. We were putting forward an argument based
on human rights and common decency, for all concerned. There is nothing
controversial in the demand. It has existed in various forms throughout
the 20th century, most notably from 1981 through to the early release
of pro-Agreement political prisoners in 1998. It is based on an acceptance
that political prisoners are different from criminals - a fact recognised
in law - and also in recognition of the needs and safety of prisoners
and families.
Clearly the British government and the prison administration are trying
to repeat the failed policies of criminalisation. Everyone accepts that
political prisoners are not the same as criminal prisoners. Everyone knows
that it is madness to place republican and loyalist prisoners in mixed
wings. Everyone knows that forced integration and denial of political
status will lead -and is leading - to confrontation between loyalists,
republicans and the prison administration. Most crucially history tells
us that no matter what the prison administration and their political masters
insist on, political status and in particular segregation will be restored.
Sinn Féin is very clear in our view. While we do not support the
politics or actions of the dissident republican organisations whose prisoners
make up the majority of political prisoners, we nonetheless believe that
they are political prisoners and must be accorded full political status.
The most urgent demand is for segregation. There is no logical or coherent
argument against the case for segregation. This is not a question of legitimising
or justifying the views or actions of any organisation. It is about acknowledging
the reality in front of us.
The worry which many families of political prisoners have is that if the
prison administration and British government resist the demand for segregation,
then lives will be lost, and an already dangerous situation will escalate
beyond control. This is in nobody's interest.
All those interested in ensuring political status is restored must become
active in the campaign, in whatever way possible. This is an issue which
transcends republican arguments over the Agreement and the right strategy
to achieve Irish independence. This is an issue of human rights for political
prisoners and their families. Segregation must be restored.
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