The Other View

Issue No.12 Spring 2003

Third Culture and Peace


By Peter Walker


It should be a generally accepted measure in conflict resolution that people who want peace must do the things that make for peace. This should apply to ordinary people no less than to the full-time practitioners of the noble art of politics. And, it follows also that ordinary, every-day people, in whose name the project is undertaken, must have the capacity and the encouragement to partake in the building and keeping of peace. Yet, at a time when the whole process is inhibited and put in jeopardy by lack of agreement, the people have no access to it. Indeed, it is the people who are reduced to the status of mere observers to the success or failure of the peace process.


Thus it is as observers that many depart to be preferred as members of a third culture. In other words a group of people from mixed backgrounds indicating a preference to ignore the infantile and futile tribalism which exists and which is reinforced and perpetuated throughout Northern Irish society. It is a group of people expressing a legitimate aspiration for a homogeneous and peaceful lifestyle in preference for a society currently under demolition.


Segmental autonomy, that is, (high fences make for good neighbours), is definitely not the answer to all the social, economic and political ills of Northern Irish society. Respect for diversity is probably the greatest contribution that one can make towards peace. Also, the agreement is designed to protect the welfare of the people. So why are they then excluded from the implementation process, while a handful of political party-enthusiasts enthral to their own agendas in the midst of a peace which has assumed the appearance of a contract between political parties with the electorate on the periphery? If that is all the Good Friday Agreement can deliver by way of peace, then we must seriously question what progress has been made. And now that we are well into the Millennium the much-awaited peace appears to be slipping through our fingers. If peace in its fullness fails, then, one of the things that may be questioned, post-mortem, is was it a process which in reality merely excluded the expressed wishes of the people?


The less we think of peace as being something men in suits create the better. It might be worth rejecting the widely diffused hypothesis that peace is only created by a privileged elite who would have their peace trickled down on the grateful but disempowered general public.


Real peace needs people based initiatives designed to promote peace. This is how the people move beyond being passive spectators to either their doom or deliverance from the “troubles” and become active participants in the creation of their own destiny. Having been formally assigned the most minimum of roles in the process the public unsurprisingly doesn’t experience any great sense of ownership of it, and seem resigned to accepting their position as observers. If the Northern Ireland experiment with peace does succeed it will only be with the general public being pro-actively incorporated into the process of peace-building.


The Agreement at John Hume’s suggestion refers to the sovereignty of the people of this Island. It is simply not enough to pay lip-service to popular opinion; full and continuous work should be on-going and full also must be the participation of the masses in empowering themselves in the shaping of their destiny. It would be monumentally tragic if this peace process faded to the realms of failure without the full participation of the public.


Co-existence may be the way forward, but again, it can only be realised if ‘diversity’ is respected. In addition, localised problem-solving efforts involving ordinary people are more likely to lead to genuine improvements in cross-community relations than imposed solutions coming top-down from an outside elite. Where people participate in the making of peace the more substance, longevity and authenticity is to be expected from it.


And, while we’re on the matter, if public apathy has set in, that would in part explain the reluctance of the people to take issue with their outsider-status in the building of their own future. The dispirited and now seemingly helpless wonder why they ever located their hopes for the future in the palms of the hands of the power-grabbing political elite; an elite whom it might appear are incapable of accomplishing the task of peace-building on their own.
Northern Ireland may now be entering the café for the ‘peace of the elite’ on this island. However, a ‘people-centred’ peace is really what Northern Ireland is crying out for and those democratically elected and entrusted by the people don’t always deliver on the people’s behalf. Now the process is in the throes of further setbacks, participation of ordinary people is obviously what is lacking from the elitist fiasco that had meandered the corridors of power.

 

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