The Other View

Examining the reality of sectarianism

There are a number of misconceptions about sectarianism in Northern Ireland that need to be rejected before any consideration of the subject begins. It is wrongly said that our troubles centre on religious differences, or on an inexplicable 'Northern Ireland malaise' that prevents the normal function of civil society or on our strange inability to conduct normal dialogue.

The first misconception that has to be rejected out of hand is the notion that our problem has any connection with theological differences or disputes. It is often said by people in Britain and abroad that the conflict in Northern Ireland is an historical anachronism. They believe that we are continuing with the religious wars of the 17th century in an effort to settle a question over the supremacy of the Roman Papacy or the validity of the Protestant Reformation. This is just simply wrong.

The quaint and erroneous idea that the Northern Irish conflict is an outdated religious dispute unfortunately suits many lazy and/or uninformed British and/or foreign observers. It allows them to dismiss the conflict as something so ludicrous as to be beyond conventional understanding. This is convenient for those who do not wish to have their complacency challenged.

Theological differences are rarely of any significant relevance to the chief protagonists. It is doubtful indeed if the majority of people in Northern Ireland are properly informed about the theological beliefs of other denominations. They are content to practice (those that do) their faith in the traditional way. Occasionally, there are minor irritants that impinge on others such as the Northern Ireland Sabbath or a puritanical attitude to on-stage nudity. Such manifestations of old-style religion are however, less common now than in the past and surprisingly draw a cross community response based more on age, social class and level of education than on ones membership of any particular denomination. It might also surprise the poorly informed observer to learn that those most conscious of scriptural differences and most capable of articulating them generally do so with little rancour and no aggression.

To define Northern Irish differences in purely religious terms is to do a great disservice to any analysis of the problem. It would be tantamount to describing the current Middle East conflict as a war being fought between Jews and Mohammedans over the relative merits of the Koran or the Talmudic teachings. Clearly that conflict is between a community that for the most part describes itself as Jewish and another describing itself as Muslim, yet that distinction reveals little about the complexity of the clash. So too with simplistic assessments of the 'religious' root of the Northern Irish troubles.

Equally misguided is the view that the Northern Irish brand of sectarianism is a unique and indigenous malaise that defies logical understanding or rational explanation. There is a certain smugness bordering on contempt among those who hold this opinion about the people of Northern Ireland. They tend to view us, not as players on a stage created by our history and circumstances, but as a discontented, malevolent, barely civilised tribe. In ways this is a contemporary version of the 19th century Punch magazine caricature of the 'savage Irishman' only this time the story is more often peddled by the would-be sophisticates of the Dublin media than by the now almost indifferent English.

There is nothing unique about Northern Irish intolerance. Scratch the surface down South and see revealed the ugly attitude towards travellers and immigrants. Look too at the deplorable xenophobia of a loutish element amongst English football supporters. As for places further afield we need only recall recent anti-Turkish riots in Germany, the ongoing persecution of Algerians in France or the seemingly endless disputes between Turks and Kurds. It goes without saying that such examples are a mere fraction of what might be cited. Northern Irish problems are far from unique. In fact they are part of the universality of difficulties, almost all of which have a firm foundation in concrete circumstances.

However painful the assessment of sectarianism in Northern Ireland may be it is essential to properly understand the phenomenon that we look at its root cause. We must look to its origins and to the reason for its continuation and to the elements that may give us the opportunity to overcome it.

Sectarianism, in its contemporary 'Orange Vs Green' expression, has its origins in the events leading to the Act of Union of 1801. As a result of enormous technological changes (now termed the Industrial Revolution), the economic structure of late 18th Century Ulster was undergoing deep running change. The steam engine brought with it an end to traditional cottage industries and the beginning of the factory system. These developments created the need for what can be described as an industrial working class of wage earners. In order to ensure access to a plentiful supply of cheap labour, Northern Ireland industrialists began to recruit from among the impoverished Catholic peasantry. This caused resentment within Protestant communities who saw the price of labour falling and tended to blame it upon the migratory Catholic labourers rather than on economic or technological change. In some ways the reaction of Protestant working communities in the late 18th Century is not unlike that of indigenous working people today blaming immigrants for a fall in living standards.

These dramatic economic events were taking place at a time when London's authority in Ireland was being seriously challenged by radical Irish republicans who had substantial support within the Northern Protestant population. Moreover, these events were happening simultaneously with Britain’s life or death struggle with Napoleonic France. Unsurprisingly therefore, British authorities in Ireland found it expedient to play upon and exacerbate the inter-communal tensions arising from the economic conditions. Furthermore, powerful industrialists were quick to see the advantage in having a bitterly divided working class.

Throughout the following two centuries a combination of British strategists conscious of the geopolitical reality of Ireland, and unscrupulous business interests quietly encouraged the perpetuation of these divisions in order to support their own agenda. This is not to deny that there were and are many honourably motivated and convinced unionists who abhor sectarianism and oppose it at every opportunity. It would nevertheless be foolish to ignore reality by refusing to accept that the ancient theory of divide and rule was known about and practiced in Northern Ireland.

It may be painful for some of us to accept that we have been cleverly and shamefully exploited. It is never easy to re-evaluate the past. The alternative though, is to continue with an analysis that is incapable of explaining divisions unless one resorts to the spurious theories outlined at the beginning of this article. As a people, we do not deserve to be treated in this way.

When we consider that a rapidly changing political and economic climate gave rise to sectarian tensions in the late 18th Century, we should consider carefully today's situation. While it would be a mistake to be unduly mechanistic when comparing historical periods, it is difficult to escape the conclusion that there are some similarities between the Ulster of today and that of 200 years ago. Recent technological developments have conspired to undermine the long standing basis of the Northern Irish economy (heavy industry and agriculture). Simultaneously, political developments are questioning the durability of the old status quo.

Some factors such as the geopolitical role for Ireland have changed but this is now replaced by what might be best described as the 'passive' beneficiaries of sectarian divisions. By 'passive' beneficiaries is meant those who do not actively promote naked sectarianism but have secured a position of influence within a community by simply being stridently outspoken on behalf of a particular section or faction. Against this contemporary backdrop is the ever present risk that the wilfully malevolent or the ignorantly dangerous will attempt to manipulate the situation to their own advantage.

There is little room for complacency in Northern Ireland. A temporary lull in hostilities is not enough to cure the divisions of two centuries. Well-meaning platitudes and exhortations are frankly useless. The material conditions that gave rise to, that have sustained and threaten to perpetuate sectarian divisions must be overcome and removed. Differences were exploited in order to facilitate the social, economic and geopolitical exploitation of the region and its people. Ultimately, sectarianism can only be overcome in the aftermath of properly addressing these issues. It will not be easy but the alternative is to do nothing.

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